| The Cory Report
CORY REPORT TO BE PUBLISHED ON APRIL 1
By The Irish American Information Service
The Cory Report into four controversial killings is to be published
on Thursday, April 1. It is understood that the families will be given
a copy 24 hours earlier on the condition that they sign a secrecy agreement
for 24 hours.
The reports are to be published in London though it is not yet clear
if the complete report will be published or an 'edited' version. The revelation
comes as the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach arrived at Hillsborough
for a new round of talks.
They are meeting the Assembly parties to discuss the lack of progress
in the review process.
Meanwhile, members of the campaign group 'An Fhírinne' (The Truth),
who represent the families of victims of collusion, will be in Dublin on
Thursday 25 March to protest at the British Embassy in Ballsbridge and
will then visit Leinster House to brief members of the Dáil and
Seanad about their campaign.
'An Fhírinne' are campaigning for truth about collusion between
British state agencies and unionist paramilitaries in the killing of citizens
in Ireland. They have already traveled to Westminster where they met with
and briefed MPs.
'An Fhírinne' wants to see:
-The disclosure by the British government of all information on its
policy of collusion;
-The disavowal of the policy of collusion;
-The dismantling of the structures and agencies which implemented the
policy of collusion.
FAMILIES RECEIVE COPIES OF CORY
REPORT
03/31/04 07:19 EST
By The Irish American Information Service
The families of murdered Belfast attorney Pat Finucane, Lurgan attorney
Rosemary Nelson, loyalist paramilitary Billy Wright and Portadown Catholic
Robert Hamill have received copies of the long-awaited Cory Report.
The British government is expected to publish the report, into alleged
security force collusion in paramilitary murders during the eighties and
nineties, tomorrow.
Retired Canadian Supreme Court justice Peter Cory submitted his reports
on the four cases to the authorities in London last October, but to the
anger of the victims' relatives they have not yet been made public.
A spokesman for the Northern Ireland Office has previously stated the
report would be published by the end of March.
Bairbre de Brún of Sinn Féin said: "people will be watching
closely the version of the Cory Report which the British government issues".
"It would now seem that the British government after consultation with
the very elements of their own system who engaged in the collusion policy
are preparing to release an edited version of the Cory Report. We have
heard nothing yet from the British government to indicate that they are
going to speedily move on it recommendations."
Families of three of the four victims - all of whose cases have been
dogged by allegations of British state involvement in the killings - have
been pursuing a legal challenge to force Britain to publish the reports.
CORY REPORTS TO BE HEAVILY EDITED
- REPORTS
03/31/04 17:04 EST
By The Irish American Information Service
Sources in Northern Ireland have said they believe the British government
intends to publish less than 20 pages of the 400-plus pages of the Cory
Report into controversial killings in Northern Ireland.
Despite widespread pressure from international human rights groups,
an influential group of US senators including John Kerry, and influential
groups on both sides of the Atlantic, sources now indicate the British
government will not abide by its word and publish the complete text of
what Judge Cory submitted to them.
The families of murdered Belfast attorney Pat Finucane, Lurgan attorney
Rosemary Nelson, loyalist paramilitary Billy Wright and Portadown Catholic
civilian Robert Hamill have received copies of the long-awaited report
today but have pledged not to disclose its contents.
Individual public inquiries into four controversial murders are expected
to be announced by the British government tomorrow.
Britain's Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, is due to
make a statement in Westminister tomorrow following the publication of
the reports.
Sources suggest the inquiries into the murders of Rosemary Nelson, Robert
Hamill, Billy Wright and Pat Finucane would be separate.
The retired Canadian judge, Peter Cory, examined allegations of British
security force collusion in the killings and recommended public inquiries
into all four. Last October, Judge Cory delivered six reports to the London
and Dublin administrations about a total of eight killings on both sides
of the border.
None of the reports into the murders in Northern Ireland have so far
been made public by the British Government.
The families of Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson as well as relatives
of loyalist leader Billy Wright took legal action over that decision.
The case was adjourned earlier this month in the expectation that the
court would be given dates for publication of the reports.
The British Government had said it was considering the "legal and security
implications" of publishing the judge's findings.
However, this has been rejected by the families and many observers.
Judge Cory has also said he took these issues into consideration while
compiling the reports.
BRITAIN UNDER FIRE FOR TERRORIST COLLUSION
04/01/04 06:44 EST
By The Irish American Information Service
Severe criticism of British intelligence agencies and the British Government
in the Cory Reports on collusion led to moves towards public inquiries
in three cases today - with a judicial probe into the murder of Pat Finucane
controversially put on hold.
British Army intelligence, RUC Special Branch, MI5, the Prison Service
and the Northern Ireland Office all came under censure in the four reports
published in the House of Commons today.
The British government is to press ahead with inquiries into three of
the controversial killings, the Northern Ireland Secretary Mr. Paul Murphy
said today.
Public inquiries are to be set up immediately into the murders of the
unionist paramilitary Loyalist Volunteer Force boss Billy Wright, Catholic
father of two Robert Hamill and human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson.
An inquiry into the fourth and most controversial case of all, the murder
of Belfast lawyer Pat Finucane, will get under way once criminal prosecutions
finish later this year, contrary to Judge Cory's report which suggested
an immediate independent inquiry.
The report, published by the British government today, has been edited,
"for privacy and protection".
Mr. Finucane was shot dead in front of his family in his north Belfast
home in February 1989. A West Belfast loyalist and British security force
agent, Ken Barrett, is due to stand trial in September.
In his report, Judge Cory said a shadowy British Army Intelligence Unit
operating in the North, the Force Recognisence Unit (FRU), were aware that
an agent, Brian Nelson, whom they ran within the unionist paramilitary
UDA had "considerable influence" in directing targeting operations.
Cory said FRU were also aware that Nelson often played a direct and
active role in reconnaissance missions.
He said that the continued provision of information to Nelson in these
circumstances could be seen "as evidence of collusive behavior that had
the potential to facilitate the deadly operations planned by the UDA."
(page 102)
"The documents I have examined disclose that Army handlers and their
superiors turned a blind eye to the criminal acts of Nelson. In doing this
they established a pattern of behavior that could be characterized as collusive."
(page 103)
Nelson was chief Intelligence officer for the UDA while also acting
as an agent of the British Army's FRU.
Judge Cory's report that RUC Special Branch "rarely took any steps to
document threats or prevent attacks by the UDA, whereas pro-active steps
were routinely taken in connection with PIRA and other Republican threats".
He said the failure to issue warnings to person targeted by the UDA
often led to "tragic consequences".
"This is indicative of attitudes with RUC Special Branch," he said.
(page 105)
"If criminal prosecutions are to proceed the practical effect might
be to delay the public inquiry for at least two years. The Finucane family
will be devastated. A large part of the Northern Ireland community will
be frustrated. Myths and misconceptions will proliferate and hopes of peace
and understanding will be eroded. This may be one of the rare situations
where a public inquiry will of greater benefit to a community than prosecutions,"
Cory said.
The announcement by the British government of a delay of a public inquiry
into Finucane's death could run into years due to the ongoing Stevens police
investigations which could result in further prosecutions.
Sir John Stevens turned down a plea from Geraldine Finucane in February
to set aside his investigations to allow an inquiry to take place quickly.
There have been allegations of British security force collusion in all
four of the cases studied by Judge Cory.
Rosemary Nelson died in March 1999 when a loyalist bomb detonated under
her car outside her home in Lurgan, Co Armagh.
Judge Cory said he was satisfied that there was sufficient evidence
of collusion by British Governmental Agencies in her murder to warrant
holding a public inquiry. (page 71)
"RUC officers are alleged to have made highly demeaning and threatening
remarks about Rosemary Nelson while questioning her clients. Among other
things, they are said to have questioned her morality, made insulting sexual
innuendoes, described her facial scarring in cruel and debasing terms,
belittled her ability as a lawyer and, perhaps most disturbingly, to have
threatened her life. It is for a public inquiry to determine whether or
not these remarks were made. If it is found that they were, this could
constitute strong evidence of collusion," said Cory. (page 66)
"The NIO's (Northern Ireland Office) mishandling of documents that were
directly pertinent and vitally important to the safety of Rosemary Nelson
may also indicate a level of neglect or disregard that could be found to
be collusive." (page 69)
"[The NIO's] failure to take any action to protect Rosemary Nelson could
be found to be troubling when it is considered against the background of
the earlier murder of Patrick Finucane. By disregarding a significant body
of evidence of threats against Rosemary Nelson, it could be found that
the NIO engaged in conduct that was collusive in nature,î Cory said.
(page 70)
Mr. Hamill died in hospital 12 days after he was kicked and beaten by
a loyalist mob in Portadown town center in April 1997. An RUC police patrol
in the vicinity refused to intervene as the mob attacked the Catholic man,
a random sectarian target.
Cory also addressed allegations that RUC officers assisted the perpetrators
in avoiding prosecution in the case.
"Police officers must not act collusively by ignoring or turning a blind
eye to the wrongful acts of their officers or of their servants or agents.
Nor can the police act collusively by supplying information to assist those
committing wrongful acts or by encouraging them to commit wrongful acts,"
Cory said.
"First and foremost the actions of Reserve Constable B, if established,
are capable of being found to constitute the most flagrant type of collusion.
His actions did not constitute the simple turning of a blind eye. Rather
they could be found to be carefully planned and premeditated actions taken
to frustrate a murder investigation and to protect or to exonerate an individual
who might have been guilty of murder."
"Steps should have been taken to obtain the clothing of Robert Hamill
and those identified as the scene as taking part in the assault, "the failure
to take steps may indicate a bias in the police force that could amount
to institutional collusion."
Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Wright was gunned down in a prison van
at the high security Maze prison by the Irish National Liberation Army
in December 1999.
In his report, Cory asked whether the Northern Ireland Prison Service
"turn a blind eye to the very dangerous situation they knew or ought to
have known would arise from billeting the INLA and LVF prisoners in the
same H block in the Maze?"
"Similarly, did another Governmental agency fail to advise or supply
to the Prison Service information they had received and considered reasonably
reliable which indicated that a dangerous situation had arisen or was arising
in the prison?" (Page 78)
Cory said that one or two of the incidents that occurred on the day
of the murder "may, in themselves, have little significance".
"On the other hand when they are all considered together the resulting
effect may be sufficient to take them out of the realm of coincidence and
make them components of a plan to murder Billy Wright that was collusive
in nature." (page 89)
"There is, in my view, sufficient evidence of acts or omissions that
could, after hearing the testimony of witnesses, coupled with a review
of the relevant documents result in a finding that there had been acts
of collusion by Prison Services, their directors, officers or employees."
(page 89)
Britain's Northern Ireland Secretary, Paul Murphy, said Judge Cory's
report raised serious questions.
Speaking at Westminister, he told MPs he was under no illusions that
confronting the past was "a difficult and painful process".
"The government and its agencies are ready to play their part. We need
to find a way of remembering the past while at the same time not allowing
it to hinder progress in the future."
"Northern Ireland needs greater reconciliation between the communities.
That is where all our attention needs to be dictated. We should ensure
that we do not concentrate on divisive issues from the past at the expense
of securing this," Murphy said.
CORY REITERATES CALL FOR PUBLIC FINUCANE INQUIRY
04/05/04 01:27 EST
By The Irish American Information Service
The retired Canadian Judge, Peter Cory, has re-stated his belief that
a public inquiry should be held to investigate the death of Belfast lawyer,
Pat Finucane.
Speaking today for the first time since the publication of his report
into allegations of British security force collusion, he said that any
such inquiry would not necessarily affect a prosecution.
It is the first time retired Judge Peter Cory has spoken publicly since
the publication of his report last week.
He reiterated the recommendations of his report, which said that in
all four controversial killings that he examined - including that of Pat
Finucane - a public inquiry should be held without delay.
On Thursday the British government said no decision on an inquiry into
the Finucane case would be announced until matters before the courts are
resolved.
But Mr. Cory said that a public inquiry could be held in conjunction
with court proceedings without affecting a criminal prosecution, which
would be before a single judge.
He also emphasized that the two governments agreed at their joint summit
at Westen Park that if an independent judge came to the conclusion that
there was evidence that warranted the holding of a public inquiry then
there would be such an inquiry.
Since the publication of the report last Thursday, the family of Pat
Finucane, the Irish Government and the US State department have all called
for the establishment of an immediate inquiry.
Meanwhile, PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde has said there was no evidence
to link Finucane with the IRA. Speaking at the weekend, Orde said he reiterated
what the RUC said at the time about the killing. His remarks follow comments
by Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble linking the murdered lawyer to
paramilitaries.
Orde also said the Cory report into Finucane's death and three other
controversial killings "had reopened an important debate."
"I think far more people are now realizing that without some thoughtful
process to deal with history Northern Ireland will find it very difficult
to move on," he said.
"My task is quite clear. I have to deliver policing for the present
and define policing for the future. What I have said as a police officer
is that I know I cannot do that if I have to continue to look backwards.
That is not to say history is unimportant - history is directly the opposite."
Last week, Trimble was accused of making "dangerous and irresponsible"
comments linking two murdered lawyers to terrorism.
He made the remarks in parliament about Rosemary Nelson, who was killed
in a booby-trap bomb in Lurgan in 1999 and Mr. Finucane, shot by loyalists
in Belfast in 1989.
Trimble later said he stood by his comments saying "offense" was "unavoidable,"
despite calls by both families for him to retract the remarks.
However, the chairman of the Criminal Bar Association in Northern Ireland
accused Trimble of "putting certain solicitors lives at risk."
Pearse Mcdermott added: "The comments are deeply offensive, dangerous
and irresponsible."
Chief Executive of the Law Society of Northern Ireland John Bailie said
there were real concerns amongst lawyers in the North following Mr. Trimble's
remarks.
During his speech to the House of Commons, Trimble talked about those
who "have a clear terrorist connection."
He said he was opposed to such inquiries, but added: "If as a result
of this, the truth about Finucane and Nelson comes into the public domain
incontrovertibly, there will be some side effect."
"I don't think anybody thought he (Finucane) was simply a lawyer," he
said. "I'm not saying he was (an IRA member), I'm just saying there's very,
clear evidence of a close relationship."
The following transcripts are provided by the Northern Ireland Information
Service.
Program: Inside Politics
Date and time: 3.4.04 – 13.10
Subject: Cory Report
MARK DEVENPORT
You can’t please all the people all the time, so is three out of four
a good score for the Government, or is it a shameful failure by Ministers
to live up to their promises? That’s one of many questions left hanging
in the air following the publication this week of four reports from the
Canadian Judge, Peter Cory, each dealing with a separate case of alleged
collusion. The Secretary of State gave the go ahead for inquiries into
the murders of the Lurgan solicitor, Rosemary Nelson, the Portadown Catholic,
Robert Hamill, and the loyalist, Billy Wright.
But in the most longstanding case, the murder of Belfast lawyer, Pat
Finucane in 1989, the Government held back. Paul Murphy said any outstanding
criminal proceedings must be dealt with first. In particular that concerns
the trial of the loyalist, Ken Barrett, who’s been charged with Mr. Finucane’s
murder. Fair enough, or a delaying tactic?
In a moment I’ll debate this and more with a couple of leading politicians,
but first I turned to the Malaysian lawyer, Param Cumaraswamy. He was the
UN Special Investigator whose reports into threats against lawyers here
raised the international profile of the Finucane and Nelson cases. The
first time he came to Northern Ireland Rosemary Nelson told him about death
threats she’d received. When he returned to write his second report she
had already been murdered. So what, I asked Mr. Cumaraswamy does he make
of the Government’s response to the Cory Reports?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
I was very pleased that Judge Cory has more or less confirmed my concern
and my call for the judicial inquiry, public inquiry. I was a little concerned
earlier that there was a delay on the part of the UK Government in responding
positively to the recommendations of Judge Cory.
Particularly I recall when I was Special Rapporteur I was assured by
the UK Government that if the international judge who then was to be appointed
conferred with the recommendation for a public inquiry, they would do so,
but I was a little concerned that there was a delay in the UK Government’s
response to Judge Cory’s recommendations.
But nevertheless I’m very happy that in the case of Rosemary Nelson
they have agreed that they are prepared to revisit (unclear) prosecutions
into Patrick Finucane, though I feel that these prosecutions will just
continue to delay and furthermore there’s a very great likelihood of very
material evidence being lost and that was my main concern.
MARK DEVENPORT
Do you understand the Government’s argument in relation to the Pat Finucane
case that it would be wrong to proceed at this stage with a judicial inquiry
whilst there are active criminal proceedings pending?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
In principle that has always been the case, if there is a pending prosecution
and if other proceedings in the same matter or the same facts which could
prejudice the criminal proceedings should not be entertained. But there
are exceptions to this, and I myself told the UK Government in my communication,
because of the (unclear) delay and the possibility of losing more evidence.
You may remember one particular material witness was shot dead. So therefore
they shouldn’t wait for a prosecution. In fact if you look at the history
of these various attempted prosecutions, many of them were seen as a ploy
to delay and delay and delay. There were times when prosecutions were withdrawn
and all that.
And I made it very clear that this shouldn’t go on and a judicial inquiry
should be given priority. Because all along I made it again very clear
to the UK Government that I, for one, was not concerned as to who finally
pulled the trigger on Patrick Finucane, I was more concerned throughout
as to whether there was State collusion into the murder.
MARK DEVENPORT
Do you think then that until there actually is a judicial inquiry on
the Finucane case that the Government is in breach of the kind of commitments
it’s given internationally?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Judge Cory is quite correct in saying that if we wait for this prosecution
it can continue and be delayed for another two or three years. Now that
is unreasonable, and as I mentioned before, justice delayed is justice
denied. And a great deal of injustice has been done to the victims in this
whole thing. There is the family of Patrick Finucane who are having this
crusade going on for the last 14 years or so for this judicial inquiry.
MARK DEVENPORT
When this was debated in Parliament, the Ulster Unionist leader, David
Trimble, made some remarks which have proved very controversial here about
both Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, where he said that he hoped that
the inquiries would reveal the full truth about them, and he implied that
they had clear terrorist connections. What do you make of that statement?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Well, let the inquiry be set up, we all want proof, and if he really
had any such connection, and I made it very clear again in my report, and
it is provided for in the International Standard on the role of lawyers,
that Governments should not associate lawyers with the causes of their
clients. Just because Patrick Finucane was defending these rather unpopular
causes, and he was winning his cases, both domestically and in the regional
court in Strasbourg, the RUC just didn’t like him. They found him a real
thorn and they wanted to get rid of him.
MARK DEVENPORT
In your investigations into the cases of Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson,
were you personally convinced that they were lawyers doing their jobs as
lawyers should do, rather than people acting with any other kind of agenda?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Of course I never met Patrick Finucane, but I did meet Rosemary Nelson
during my mission, that was the first time I met her, and from the information
she gave me, I was quite convinced that she would be a target, and she
could end up the same way as Patrick Finucane.
I was very concerned. I met her again subsequently, I think it was in
Washington, and again she narrated subsequent events, but every allegation,
every information I received about the threats on her, I was relaying everything
on a very urgent basis to the UK Government, and I was really very, very
saddened that she was not given the adequate protection and subsequently
I felt that, or what I thought initially, that she would meet the same
fate as Patrick Finucane, in the hands of the security forces in Northern
Ireland.
MARK DEVENPORT
And at the same time as they announced these inquiries, the Government
said it would examine the possibility of some kind of wider truth and reconciliation
commission to deal with something like 1800 unsolved murders here, and
all the question marks still hanging over from the troubles. I mean from
what you saw of Northern Ireland society during your visits here, do you
think there’s a role for something like that or is the bitterness just
too deep?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
I think that truth and reconciliation is something worthy of consideration.
But it depends whether both factions are prepared to forgive and forget.
Now the South African experience I felt was a very, very exceptional thing.
But it was something I was told by Desmond Tutu when I met him in Capetown,
that it was part of their culture to forgive and forget in such situations.
And they were able to get through that. But with the kind of situation
in Northern Ireland, whether it will be acceptable to both sides, and I
hope it will be acceptable, then it could have some kind of a lasting peace
in Northern Ireland if both sides could get together and forgive each other
for what had gone on for more than 25 years.
MARK DEVENPORT
That was the former UN Special Investigator Param Cumaraswamy. With
me now is the DUP MP, Jeffrey Donaldson, and from Radio Foyle, we’re joined
by the SDLP leader, Mark Durkan.
Jeffrey Donaldson would you agree with Param Cumaraswamy that the Government
basically got it wrong in putting off the Finucane inquiry?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Well I’m not so sure that that’s right. I mean we do have a judicial
process here and people are entitled to a fair trial, and if the Government
has made the judgment that to proceed with the inquiry at this stage may
prejudice a fair trial for the individual, and possibly other individuals
who will be charged with the murder of Pat Finucane, then I think that’s
something that needs to be taken into consideration.
Certainly from what the Secretary of State said yesterday in the House
of Commons, I don’t think the Government is resiling from their commitment
to have an inquiry. However I would take issue with what the UN Special
Rapporteur said, when he seemed to have concluded that the security forces
and the RUC in particular were guilty of having murdered Pat Finucane and
Rosemary Nelson. And I think he’s prejudging the outcome of these inquiries.
And I think he’s jumping way ahead in terms of the evidence, and I don’t
think there’s any substantial body of evidence at this stage to point to
members of the RUC or the Army in terms of having murdered either Rosemary
Nelson or Pat Finucane. And so I think that he would be perhaps well advised
to hold back on judgment at this stage.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan in Radio Foyle, we’ve already heard from some of the soldiers
implicated in the Finucane case who are angry that the Cory Report was
put out in the form it was. They say that they haven’t been given a chance
to put their side of the story. Presumably if you were to press ahead with
an inquiry ahead of any possible criminal proceedings against them, it
really could muddy the waters.
MARK DURKAN
Well I don’t accept that it’s absolutely impossible to have an inquiry
at the same time while a prosecution or prosecutions are current. The fact
is we have had prosecutions following inquiries in the South. We have had
inquiries and prosecutions in train at the same time, or at least for some
of the same time, for instance, in the Steven Lawrence case or whatever,
so it’s not entirely impossible.
And may people were suspicious whenever this prosecution emerged, that
it was an attempt maybe to head off at the pass the very clear demands
for a public inquiry, and anybody who was suspicious along those lines,
have had those suspicions reinforced by the terms of Paul Murphy’s announcement
which is (unclear) entirely on the fact of this pending prosecution as
the so-called reason, but it’s really the excuse for not proceeding with
an inquiry consistent with the clear promise that the Prime Minister made.
There was absolutely no ambiguity whatsoever about the Prime Minister’s
promise. There was no ifs, no buts, no riders about anything else. And
the Prime Minister made that promise in terms of a position agreed between
himself and the Taoiseach. And so we will be holding the Prime Minister,
and indeed the Taoiseach as well, to the full terms of the promises and
the commitments they made at Weston Park and made public after Weston Park.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson, on the whole question of prejudice, obviously a trial
of the kind that Ken Barrett will face will be in front of a Diplock judge,
and there’s been a general view that you can’t prejudice such judges sitting
without a jury. And, indeed, I mean we’re going to see in the next few
weeks the Independent Monitoring Commission going ahead and probably making
a whole series of comments about the Tohill affair, which is an active
criminal proceeding. So why is there one rule for an independent judicial
inquiry in the Finucane case, and another rule say for the IMC?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Because the terms of reference for the IMC are drawn much more tightly
than the terms of reference of an inquiry. The IMC is examining the role
of an organization, in this case the Provisional IRA and their activities,
not the role or activities of any individual belonging to that organization,
whereas an inquiry would have of necessity look not just at organizations
but individuals and their role or possible role in a murder. And that obviously
has implications for prosecutions. So I think there is a distinction to
be drawn between the two in terms of the IMC and its remit and the remit
of an inquiry.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan, you were making the point there that the British Government
negotiated this with the Taoiseach. But they also negotiated it with you
and the SDLP and in fact this was one of the key bargaining points that
you were looking at when you decided to buy into policing. I mean to that
extent, do you think you’ve been sold a pup?
MARK DURKAN
No, we were very clear in pursing inquiries into three particular cases,
for all the reasons associated with those cases and because they were representative
of much deeper and wider concerns that needed to be addressed and dealt
with in a very up-front way.
The Cory mechanism wasn’t our creation, it was the two Governments’
response to our demands. It was essentially the Irish Government’s proposal,
and the two Governments insisted, and they assured others, including the
Special Rapporteur, that they would be acting on whatever recommendation
Cory made, no questions, no ifs or buts about it. And so we will be insisting
on the two Governments holding to that.
And if Tony Blair and Paul Murphy want us to believe that they are sincere
in saying that it is because of this prosecution that they can’t have the
inquiry now, then they should remove any doubt about the fact of an inquiry
as soon as this prosecution is disposed of. Why are they leaving it in
doubt? They should be making it very clear that as soon as this prosecution
is disposed of, one way or another, there will be an inquiry, as for the
other cases.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson you’ve seen for yourself there the controversial comments
that David Trimble made about Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson in the Chamber
of the Commons. We know that you’ve had many political differences with
him, but would you share his concerns and echo his views on that score?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Well, we’ve heard these rumors in the past about the possible involvement
of certain individuals with an illegal terrorist organization, and if David
Trimble has evidence of that, then I think it should be brought forward
before this inquiry, because the inquiry should look at all aspects of
the background to the murders that occurred.
But let me say that no murder is justified whatever the circumstances,
and I would want to be clear about that. I do think, nevertheless, there’s
a degree of obfuscation going on here on David Trimble’s part. I was there
at Weston Park when these things were discussed. David Trimble said yesterday
in the House of Commons that this was not part of the Belfast Agreement,
he had not agreed to it and was against it.
That was not the approach that he took at Weston Park. David Trimble
was aware of what was going on, and although there was no overall agreement
at Weston Park, I accept that entirely, nevertheless David Trimble was
involved in discussions with the Prime Minister about this. It is all part
of the process to which he has signed up to, it’s part of the process linked
to the Agreement. And for David Trimble to scream about concessions that
are being made, and clearly these inquiries do represent concessions in
terms of the Finucane, if it happens, the Hamill and the Rosemary Nelson
inquiries.
It’s a bit, I think, late now in the day to be screaming about those
concessions when they are part and parcel of the process to which he has
signed up.
MARK DEVENPORT
Why do you single out three of the inquiries and say that they are concessions,
but in the case of Billy Wright, which obviously is a case that you’ve
taken a personal interest in, you don’t see it as a concession. Why is
that somebody else’s concern is a concession, but something that you take
on board is a valid case that requires an inquiry?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Because neither the Wright family or anyone else has asked for or demanded
an inquiry into the Billy Wright murder in return for some political move
or as part of a political package. It has always been separate from the
political process, and indeed you will note that it is the only case being
investigated under the terms of the Prison Act 1953.
It’s being dealt with in its proper context, which was about a murder
inside the top security prison, Maze, in my constituency, and it’s about
getting at the background to how that murder occurred in those circumstances
where there was high security.
That is separate from these other issues. And you’ll be aware, Mark,
that for a long time republicans in particular have used these issues as
a means of extracting more concessions from the Government. That’s what
that is about and that’s why I make the distinction.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan, at the same time as these inquiries were announced, Tony
Blair was talking about the possibility of a truth and reconciliation commission.
Given the bitter nature of the exchanges we’ve seen just in the course
of the last week, isn’t that a bad omen for any kind of a wider look at
the unsolved murders and the dirty secrets of the troubles?
MARK DURKAN
I don’t think in any way it takes away for the need for a wider mechanism
or mechanisms, because let us remember we’re dealing with more than just
the 1800 so-called unsolved cases of the past, we need a means of assuring
all victims and survivors that their need for truth and remembrance is
going to be fulfilled. The Agreement made certain promises to victims and
survivors, and frankly those promises have not been kept.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson, very briefly, because we’re more or less out of time.
Do you think some kind of wider truth commission is necessary rather than
these kind of piecemeal inquiries?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
I’m not sure that a truth commission in a small place like Northern
Ireland can work. And when I look at the failure of Martin McGuinness to
tell the truth to the Saville Inquiry when he pleaded our version of the
fifth amendment said he had some duty to some higher IRA code that prevented
him from telling the truth about what happened on that day in Londonderry,
then what expectation can the victims of terrorism have that the terrorists
will actually come forward and tell the truth about their part.
After all they murdered far more people in Northern Ireland than anybody
else. And if we’re to have reconciliation and truth, then aren’t the victims
of terrorism as entitled to know what happened as any other victim, and
I just do not see Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams ... Gerry Adams can’t
even tell the truth about whether he was in the IRA or not, never mind
tell the truth about his part in the atrocities that occurred during the
last 30 years.
Program: Inside Politics
Date and time: 3.4.04 – 13.10
Subject: Cory Report
MARK DEVENPORT
You can’t please all the people all the time, so is three out of four
a good score for the Government, or is it a shameful failure by Ministers
to live up to their promises? That’s one of many questions left hanging
in the air following the publication this week of four reports from the
Canadian Judge, Peter Cory, each dealing with a separate case of alleged
collusion. The Secretary of State gave the go ahead for inquiries into
the murders of the Lurgan solicitor, Rosemary Nelson, the Portadown Catholic,
Robert Hamill, and the loyalist, Billy Wright.
But in the most longstanding case, the murder of Belfast lawyer, Pat
Finucane in 1989, the Government held back. Paul Murphy said any outstanding
criminal proceedings must be dealt with first. In particular that concerns
the trial of the loyalist, Ken Barrett, who’s been charged with Mr. Finucane’s
murder. Fair enough, or a delaying tactic?
In a moment I’ll debate this and more with a couple of leading politicians,
but first I turned to the Malaysian lawyer, Param Cumaraswamy. He was the
UN Special Investigator whose reports into threats against lawyers here
raised the international profile of the Finucane and Nelson cases. The
first time he came to Northern Ireland Rosemary Nelson told him about death
threats she’d received.
When he returned to write his second report she had already been murdered.
So what, I asked Mr. Cumaraswamy does he make of the Government’s response
to the Cory Reports?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
I was very pleased that Judge Cory has more or less confirmed my concern
and my call for the judicial inquiry, public inquiry. I was a little concerned
earlier that there was a delay on the part of the UK Government in responding
positively to the recommendations of Judge Cory.
Particularly I recall when I was Special Rapporteur I was assured by
the UK Government that if the international judge who then was to be appointed
conferred with the recommendation for a public inquiry, they would do so,
but I was a little concerned that there was a delay in the UK Government’s
response to Judge Cory’s recommendations. But nevertheless I’m very happy
that in the case of Rosemary Nelson they have agreed that they are prepared
to revisit (unclear) prosecutions into Patrick Finucane, though I feel
that these prosecutions will just continue to delay and furthermore there’s
a very great likelihood of very material evidence being lost and that was
my main concern.
MARK DEVENPORT
Do you understand the Government’s argument in relation to the Pat Finucane
case that it would be wrong to proceed at this stage with a judicial inquiry
whilst there are active criminal proceedings pending?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
In principle that has always been the case, if there is a pending prosecution
and if other proceedings in the same matter or the same facts which could
prejudice the criminal proceedings should not be entertained. But there
are exceptions to this, and I myself told the UK Government in my communication,
because of the (unclear) delay and the possibility of losing more evidence.
You may remember one particular material witness was shot dead. So therefore
they shouldn’t wait for a prosecution. In fact if you look at the history
of these various attempted prosecutions, many of them were seen as a ploy
to delay and delay and delay. There were times when prosecutions were withdrawn
and all that.
And I made it very clear that this shouldn’t go on and a judicial inquiry
should be given priority. Because all along I made it again very clear
to the UK Government that I, for one, was not concerned as to who finally
pulled the trigger on Patrick Finucane, I was more concerned throughout
as to whether there was State collusion into the murder.
MARK DEVENPORT
Do you think then that until there actually is a judicial inquiry on
the Finucane case that the Government is in breach of the kind of commitments
it’s given internationally?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Judge Cory is quite correct in saying that if we wait for this prosecution
it can continue and be delayed for another two or three years. Now that
is unreasonable, and as I mentioned before, justice delayed is justice
denied. And a great deal of injustice has been done to the victims in this
whole thing. There is the family of Patrick Finucane who are having this
crusade going on for the last 14 years or so for this judicial inquiry.
MARK DEVENPORT
When this was debated in Parliament, the Ulster Unionist leader, David
Trimble, made some remarks which have proved very controversial here about
both Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, where he said that he hoped that
the inquiries would reveal the full truth about them, and he implied that
they had clear terrorist connections. What do you make of that statement?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Well, let the inquiry be set up, we all want proof, and if he really
had any such connection, and I made it very clear again in my report, and
it is provided for in the International Standard on the role of lawyers,
that Governments should not associate lawyers with the causes of their
clients. Just because Patrick Finucane was defending these rather unpopular
causes, and he was winning his cases, both domestically and in the regional
court in Strasbourg, the RUC just didn’t like him. They found him a real
thorn and they wanted to get rid of him.
MARK DEVENPORT
In your investigations into the cases of Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson,
were you personally convinced that they were lawyers doing their jobs as
lawyers should do, rather than people acting with any other kind of agenda?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
Of course I never met Patrick Finucane, but I did meet Rosemary Nelson
during my mission, that was the first time I met her, and from the information
she gave me, I was quite convinced that she would be a target, and she
could end up the same way as Patrick Finucane. I was very concerned. I
met her again subsequently, I think it was in Washington, and again she
narrated subsequent events, but every allegation, every information I received
about the threats on her, I was relaying everything on a very urgent basis
to the UK Government, and I was really very, very saddened that she was
not given the adequate protection and subsequently I felt that, or what
I thought initially, that she would meet the same fate as Patrick Finucane,
in the hands of the security forces in Northern Ireland.
MARK DEVENPORT
And at the same time as they announced these inquiries, the Government
said it would examine the possibility of some kind of wider truth and reconciliation
commission to deal with something like 1800 unsolved murders here, and
all the question marks still hanging over from the troubles. I mean from
what you saw of Northern Ireland society during your visits here, do you
think there’s a role for something like that or is the bitterness just
too deep?
PARAM CUMARASWAMY
I think that truth and reconciliation is something worthy of consideration.
But it depends whether both factions are prepared to forgive and forget.
Now the South African experience I felt was a very, very exceptional thing.
But it was something I was told by Desmond Tutu when I met him in Capetown,
that it was part of their culture to forgive and forget in such situations.
And they were able to get through that.
But with the kind of situation in Northern Ireland, whether it will
be acceptable to both sides, and I hope it will be acceptable, then it
could have some kind of a lasting peace in Northern Ireland if both sides
could get together and forgive each other for what had gone on for more
than 25 years.
MARK DEVENPORT
That was the former UN Special Investigator Param Cumaraswamy. With
me now is the DUP MP, Jeffrey Donaldson, and from Radio Foyle, we’re joined
by the SDLP leader, Mark Durkan.
Jeffrey Donaldson would you agree with Param Cumaraswamy that the Government
basically got it wrong in putting off the Finucane inquiry?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Well I’m not so sure that that’s right. I mean we do have a judicial
process here and people are entitled to a fair trial, and if the Government
has made the judgment that to proceed with the inquiry at this stage may
prejudice a fair trial for the individual, and possibly other individuals
who will be charged with the murder of Pat Finucane, then I think that’s
something that needs to be taken into consideration.
Certainly from what the Secretary of State said yesterday in the House
of Commons, I don’t think the Government is resiling from their commitment
to have an inquiry. However I would take issue with what the UN Special
Rapporteur said, when he seemed to have concluded that the security forces
and the RUC in particular were guilty of having murdered Pat Finucane and
Rosemary Nelson. And I think he’s prejudging the outcome of these inquiries.
And I think he’s jumping way ahead in terms of the evidence, and I don’t
think there’s any substantial body of evidence at this stage to point to
members of the RUC or the Army in terms of having murdered either Rosemary
Nelson or Pat Finucane. And so I think that he would be perhaps well advised
to hold back on judgment at this stage.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan in Radio Foyle, we’ve already heard from some of the soldiers
implicated in the Finucane case who are angry that the Cory Report was
put out in the form it was. They say that they haven’t been given a chance
to put their side of the story. Presumably if you were to press ahead with
an inquiry ahead of any possible criminal proceedings against them, it
really could muddy the waters.
MARK DURKAN
Well I don’t accept that it’s absolutely impossible to have an inquiry
at the same time while a prosecution or prosecutions are current. The fact
is we have had prosecutions following inquiries in the South. We have had
inquiries and prosecutions in train at the same time, or at least for some
of the same time, for instance, in the Steven Lawrence case or whatever,
so it’s not entirely impossible.
And may people were suspicious whenever this prosecution emerged, that
it was an attempt maybe to head off at the pass the very clear demands
for a public inquiry, and anybody who was suspicious along those lines,
have had those suspicions reinforced by the terms of Paul Murphy’s announcement
which is (unclear) entirely on the fact of this pending prosecution as
the so-called reason, but it’s really the excuse for not proceeding with
an inquiry consistent with the clear promise that the Prime Minister made.
There was absolutely no ambiguity whatsoever about the Prime Minister’s
promise. There was no ifs, no buts, no riders about anything else. And
the Prime Minister made that promise in terms of a position agreed between
himself and the Taoiseach. And so we will be holding the Prime Minister,
and indeed the Taoiseach as well, to the full terms of the promises and
the commitments they made at Weston Park and made public after Weston Park.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson, on the whole question of prejudice, obviously a trial
of the kind that Ken Barrett will face will be in front of a Diplock judge,
and there’s been a general view that you can’t prejudice such judges sitting
without a jury. And, indeed, I mean we’re going to see in the next few
weeks the Independent Monitoring Commission going ahead and probably making
a whole series of comments about the Tohill affair, which is an active
criminal proceeding. So why is there one rule for an independent judicial
inquiry in the Finucane case, and another rule say for the IMC?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Because the terms of reference for the IMC are drawn much more tightly
than the terms of reference of an inquiry. The IMC is examining the role
of an organization, in this case the Provisional IRA and their activities,
not the role or activities of any individual belonging to that organization,
whereas an inquiry would have of necessity look not just at organizations
but individuals and their role or possible role in a murder. And that obviously
has implications for prosecutions. So I think there is a distinction to
be drawn between the two in terms of the IMC and its remit and the remit
of an inquiry.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan, you were making the point there that the British Government
negotiated this with the Taoiseach. But they also negotiated it with you
and the SDLP and in fact this was one of the key bargaining points that
you were looking at when you decided to buy into policing. I mean to that
extent, do you think you’ve been sold a pup?
MARK DURKAN
No, we were very clear in pursing inquiries into three particular cases,
for all the reasons associated with those cases and because they were representative
of much deeper and wider concerns that needed to be addressed and dealt
with in a very up-front way. The Cory mechanism wasn’t our creation, it
was the two Governments’ response to our demands.
It was essentially the Irish Government’s proposal, and the two Governments
insisted, and they assured others, including the Special Rapporteur, that
they would be acting on whatever recommendation Cory made, no questions,
no ifs or buts about it. And so we will be insisting on the two Governments
holding to that. And if Tony Blair and Paul Murphy want us to believe that
they are sincere in saying that it is because of this prosecution that
they can’t have the inquiry now, then they should remove any doubt about
the fact of an inquiry as soon as this prosecution is disposed of. Why
are they leaving it in doubt? They should be making it very clear that
as soon as this prosecution is disposed of, one way or another, there will
be an inquiry, as for the other cases.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson you’ve seen for yourself there the controversial comments
that David Trimble made about Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson in the Chamber
of the Commons. We know that you’ve had many political differences with
him, but would you share his concerns and echo his views on that score?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Well, we’ve heard these rumors in the past about the possible involvement
of certain individuals with an illegal terrorist organization, and if David
Trimble has evidence of that, then I think it should be brought forward
before this inquiry, because the inquiry should look at all aspects of
the background to the murders that occurred. But let me say that no murder
is justified whatever the circumstances, and I would want to be clear about
that.
I do think, nevertheless, there’s a degree of obfuscation going on here
on David Trimble’s part. I was there at Weston Park when these things were
discussed. David Trimble said yesterday in the House of Commons that this
was not part of the Belfast Agreement, he had not agreed to it and was
against it.
That was not the approach that he took at Weston Park. David Trimble
was aware of what was going on, and although there was no overall agreement
at Weston Park, I accept that entirely, nevertheless David Trimble was
involved in discussions with the Prime Minister about this.
It is all part of the process to which he has signed up to, it’s part
of the process linked to the Agreement. And for David Trimble to scream
about concessions that are being made, and clearly these inquiries do represent
concessions in terms of the Finucane, if it happens, the Hamill and the
Rosemary Nelson inquiries. It’s a bit, I think, late now in the day to
be screaming about those concessions when they are part and parcel of the
process to which he has signed up.
MARK DEVENPORT
Why do you single out three of the inquiries and say that they are concessions,
but in the case of Billy Wright, which obviously is a case that you’ve
taken a personal interest in, you don’t see it as a concession. Why is
that somebody else’s concern is a concession, but something that you take
on board is a valid case that requires an inquiry?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
Because neither the Wright family or anyone else has asked for or demanded
an inquiry into the Billy Wright murder in return for some political move
or as part of a political package.
It has always been separate from the political process, and indeed you
will note that it is the only case being investigated under the terms of
the Prison Act 1953. It’s being dealt with in its proper context, which
was about a murder inside the top security prison, Maze, in my constituency,
and it’s about getting at the background to how that murder occurred in
those circumstances where there was high security.
That is separate from these other issues. And you’ll be aware, Mark,
that for a long time republicans in particular have used these issues as
a means of extracting more concessions from the Government. That’s what
that is about and that’s why I make the distinction.
MARK DEVENPORT
Mark Durkan, at the same time as these inquiries were announced, Tony
Blair was talking about the possibility of a truth and reconciliation commission.
Given the bitter nature of the exchanges we’ve seen just in the course
of the last week, isn’t that a bad omen for any kind of a wider look at
the unsolved murders and the dirty secrets of the troubles?
MARK DURKAN
I don’t think in any way it takes away for the need for a wider mechanism
or mechanisms, because let us remember we’re dealing with more than just
the 1800 so-called unsolved cases of the past, we need a means of assuring
all victims and survivors that their need for truth and remembrance is
going to be fulfilled. The Agreement made certain promises to victims and
survivors, and frankly those promises have not been kept.
MARK DEVENPORT
Jeffrey Donaldson, very briefly, because we’re more or less out of time.
Do you think some kind of wider truth commission is necessary rather than
these kind of piecemeal inquiries?
JEFFREY DONALDSON
I’m not sure that a truth commission in a small place like Northern
Ireland can work. And when I look at the failure of Martin McGuinness to
tell the truth to the Saville Inquiry when he pleaded our version of the
fifth amendment said he had some duty to some higher IRA code that prevented
him from telling the truth about what happened on that day in Londonderry,
then what expectation can the victims of terrorism have that the terrorists
will actually come forward and tell the truth about their part.
After all they murdered far more people in Northern Ireland than anybody
else. And if we’re to have reconciliation and truth, then aren’t the victims
of terrorism as entitled to know what happened as any other victim, and
I just do not see Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams ... Gerry Adams can’t
even tell the truth about whether he was in the IRA or not, never mind
tell the truth about his part in the atrocities that occurred during the
last 30 years.
Program: The Week in Politics,
RTE 1 Date and time: 4.4.04 – 23.33
Subject: Cory Report/security force collusion
INTERVIEWER
Well joining us now from the London studio is John Ware, a Panorama
reporter, who has investigated these matters in great depth. John Ware,
given what Judge Cory said, what the Finucane family want in regard to
an inquiry being more desirable than criminal proceedings, do you think
the British Government is effectively trying to avoid that inquiry by dragging
its heels?
JOHN WARE
Well they would categorically deny that of course. The fact remains
that they have chosen what might be called a courtroom truth into this
matter, which is necessarily relevant and will stick to a pretty tight
focus about who did what in relation to the actual murder. There is of
course a different truth, a historical truth, and that’s certainly what
the family, the Finucane family want, and it’s also what other families
of other killings where collusion is alleged which the judge didn’t look
at, they want too, and I suspect a significant proportion of the public
would prefer that all the energy now goes into what I call the historical
truth.
INTERVIEWER
And what about the length or duration of criminal proceedings? I mean
there is a man called Ken Barrett facing charges, there perhaps might be
an appeal, there might be other charges, so at what stage, do you think,
will the British Government be in a position, as Paul Murphy described
it, to outline the way forward?
JOHN WARE
Well it’s impossible to say. The single outstanding case comes before
the courts in Belfast I think in the autumn. It’s quite possible that the
Northern Ireland Director of Public Prosecutions in consultation with the
British Attorney General, will decide that other prosecutions in respect
of Finucane should be brought as well. If that is the case, we may not
get to the public inquiry into the Finucane killing for some years.
INTERVIEWER
How high up the ranks of the Government, political, legal, military
establishments, could the embarrassment go if and when the truth is established?
JOHN WARE
Well I don’t think in the, with regard to the specific case of Pat Finucane,
there’s any evidence that alleged collusion goes beyond middle to sort
of middle ranking soldiers. So far as the police are concerned there are
an enormous number of questions there, not the least being why the Special
Branch who appear to have known, from their own informants, not just that
a prominent target was going to be shot, but certainly who the principal
suspects were none of that information was given to the ordinary detectives,
the CID detectives investigating the matter, and one has to ask why.
Those are questions which a public inquiry would need to address. Now
the other issue with regard to obstruction, which again would not be, I
don’t think, I think it would be too broad an issue to be dealt with in
what I called earlier the courtroom truth, as it were, the narrow focus
of the criminal trial, but which I think is very relevant to the broader,
historical truth, is the way for example Judge Cory revealed this for the
first time, the way that some of the evidence given at the trial of the
agent Nelson about the number of lives he was said to have saved, evidence
given by a senior officer which persuaded the trial judge to give Nelson
a comparatively light sentence.
That mitigation was discussed we now know at pretty senior level within
the Ministry of Defence months before the trial. It was discarded by the
Attorney General, Sir Patrick Mayhew, who then went on to become the Northern
Secretary, as you know, as being not based on fact, and yet it was run
as the linchpin of the Army’s mitigation in favor of Brian Nelson. I think
that’s a very serious matter.
The Attorney General’s representative was then an up and coming Queen’s
Counsel, Brian Kerr. He’s now of course Lord Chief Justice. The question
is, did Brian Kerr know that the Attorney had ruled this mitigation out,
because he didn’t challenge the mitigation. It may well be of course that
he didn’t know, but that’s just one of many serious questions that an inquiry
needs to address.
INTERVIEWER
And finally in regard to the request here in regard to the Dublin and
Monaghan bombings that the Irish Government pressed the British Government
for a public inquiry there, proceeded by the kind of investigation Cory
carried out in regard to the other four killings, what do you think are
the chances of Britain agreeing to that?
JOHN WARE
I would have thought all this negligible. I think the Prime Minister,
Tony Blair, has had enough of public inquiries. I don’t think he thought
it likely that a judge, certainly I think he must have hoped it was not
likely that the judge he appointed, that was appointed, Peter Cory, would
recommend no fewer than four public inquiries, in addition of course to
the Bloody Sunday Inquiry.
So I would have thought frankly unless there is clear and overwhelming
evidence that really he couldn’t avoid as to collusion between the intelligence
services and the loyalist murder gangs who killed all those people in Dublin
30 years ago, I don’t think there’s a chance of that ... public inquiry.
Program: Morning Ireland,
RTE 1 Date and time: 5.4.04 – 08.28
Subject: Cory Report
INTERVIEWER
Now what are we to take from that interview?
TOMMIE GORMAN
Well Peter Cory is certainly sticking to his guns. A lot of people have
been chasing him in recent days following the publication of his work.
I think it’s significant that he has spoken publicly about it, and I also
think it’s highly significant that there’s no sense of change in what he’s
saying. You’ll know it as well that the State Department of the US came
out on balance in favor of the Cory view, it would seem to me. The Irish
Government supports the Cory view.
The Finucane family supports the Cory view. So the British Government
is in difficulties over the stance it has taken. I also think that it’s
possible that what happens to Cory’s work now could become part of wider
political discussions that may or may not take place in the coming months.
INTERVIEWER
You mention the British stance. The British stance is that a public
inquiry, or is it not, that a public inquiry could affect the outcome of
a prosecution? The judge’s reaction to that is that it couldn’t possibly
do so because it would be a judge only trial, he wouldn’t be in the slightest
bit influenced. Is that the case?
TOMMIE GORMAN
That’s right.
INTERVIEWER
So is it implicit then, Tommie, in what he says, that the judge doesn’t
believe the British when they say this?
TOMMIE GORMAN
Well I think he disagrees with the approach they have taken, and I listened
to Michael Finucane and his mother Geraldine in recent days. I listened
quite carefully, and they had the same view, that certain elements of a
public inquiry could get underway even if there were proceedings before
the court, and indeed, there’s the other possibility that they could continue
in parallel because as has been pointed out, the court system for trying
the kind of crimes that are involved here does not involve a jury, and
Judge Cory came to that view.
He also said that they could take place in parallel, and he also came
to the view that if it was a case of one or the other, that he believes
that the greater public good would be served by having the public inquiry,
because I suppose one has to point out that even if you do get convictions
before the courts for the kind of crimes that are being investigated and
discussed, the length of the prison sentence as a result of the Good Friday
Agreement could end up being no more than two years.
INTERVIEWER
Right, finally and very briefly Tommie, how are we to perceive British
inaction? Is it delaying tactics or a screening tactic, what is it?
TOMMIE GORMAN
Hard to say, David. The British cover is they’re suggesting that it’s
the advice of their Attorney General. But the wider political point that
I was making to you is that you (unclear) the Cory controversy re-ignited.
Now in the next few weeks you’ll have the publication of the Monitoring
body’s view on whether the IRA were involved in the abduction of Bobby
Tohill. That will cause considerable political heat as well.
And if after those two tremors, there is any possibility of getting
the political parties into negotiations I would not be surprised that you’d
see, say for instance the likes of the SDLP as well as Sinn Féin,
saying that, well if there’s to be a political deal here, we want some
decision, some movement from the British Government on its approach to
Cory.
Program: Morning Ireland
Date & Time 5.4.04 (8.23)
Subject: The Cory Report
PRESENTER
Judge Peter Cory has restated his desire to see the establishment of
a public inquiry into the shooting dead of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane
in 1989. In his first interview since the publication of his report he
says that any such inquiry wouldn’t necessarily affect the outcome of a
prosecution. From his home in Canada last night he spoke to our reporter
Brendan Fitzpatrick.
JUDGE PETER CORY
Well I am glad that it is out in public now, apart from the parts that
were edited on the basis of security of the realm. I am disappointed, as
I said in the report, that this was one of those rare occasions when I
thought perhaps that it was more important to hold the public inquiry than
the trial and prosecution.
And the other aspect of it is that if the prosecution is to go ahead
then it is unfortunate that the decision has been made that the public
inquiry must be delayed. I would have thought that in light of the manner
in which terrorist trials are held, that is to say judge alone, that they
could proceed at the same time, at the very least, if the public inquiry
did not precede the prosecution and that the judge would not in any way
be worried by the public inquiry proceeding at the same time.
Certainly it wouldn’t be influenced any more than he or she would be
on making a ruling on (unclear) and ruling it inadmissible then dismissing
it from the judge’s mind. And it would be the same thing with regard to
the public inquiry, there are different standards, definite rules of admissibility,
so many things that would make it completely separate, and because of the
very long time that the Finucane family, I shouldn’t say has been held
up, how long ago the murder occurred? After all it was February 12 1989.
It was just one that I thought there should be some final resolution with
regard to it as soon as possible.
BRENDAN FITZPATRICK
So you make reference there to the delay for the Finucane family. Is
that specifically why you are making this call? Are you saying that this
case, this would be in the interests of the general public that there’s
an inquiry immediately?
JUDGE PETER CORY
Absolutely, that was my, as I said first, that this was one of those
perhaps rare instances where it is more important to have the public inquiry
for the good of the community, not just the Finucane family, but the community
as a whole, than the prosecution.
BRENDAN FITZPATRICK
The Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, Hugh
Orde, he was saying that a series of inquiries could undermine the confidence
of the police force there. Do you take his point on that?
JUDGE PETER CORY
I can understand his point. I didn’t sign the Weston Park agreement,
the two Governments executed that agreement, and as I understood it that
if the independent judge, whoever that might be, came to the conclusion
that there was evidence warranting the holding of a public inquiry then
there would be a public inquiry. Now that was mandated by the Weston Park
agreement, not by me. My role was to go through the evidence and come to
conclusions with regard to it. That is to say, did the evidence that I
saw warrant the holding of a public inquiry with regard to collusion?
BRENDAN FITZPATRICK
Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble again restated last week
what he saw as a special relationship that Rosemary Nelson and Pat Finucane
had with the IRA. From your own work what were your findings in that regard?
JUDGE PETER CORY
With regard to Patrick Finucane, at the coroners inquest the officer,
the RUC officer in charge of the investigation, made it clear that there
was no tie that he knew of between Patrick Finucane and the IRA, and that
he was simply a solicitor doing his duty. Now that would seem to be quite
clear on that point, and that was the opinion of the RUC officer testifying
at the coroner’s inquest. That seems to be strong evidence. It is a professional
duty to take on those difficult cases, and they shouldn’t be used as a
basis for saying ah ha, he or she is a terrorist or member of the IRA.
BRENDAN FITZPATRICK
On the report itself, I will quote from you here, you say ‘it was the
duty of Special Branch to protect all individuals, whatever their religious
or political affiliation. In this it failed’. Would you like to expand
on that?
JUDGE PETER CORY
No. The report has to speak for itself. And I certainly stand behind
the report and what I said I concluded on the basis of the evidence that
I saw.
Program: The Politics Show – Hugh Orde
Date & Time 4.4.04 – 12.25
Subject: Lenient sentencing/Cory Report
JIM FITZPATRICK
And now to one of the biggest political footballs in this society, policing.
It’s been a busy week for the Chief Constable Hugh Orde, no doubt he’s
used to attacks from republicans and loyalists, this week the Chief Justice
joined the assault over his recent claim that judges are soft on criminals
here. He has three new inquiries to deal with following the Cory Report,
not to mention a troubles legacy of 1800 unsolved murders and the small
matter of day to day law and order. He joins me now.
So, Hugh Orde, you think judges here are soft?
HUGH ORDE
Well I made an observation which I stand by which in some cases I do
think sentences have been unduly lenient, in the broad picture our job
is to bring people before the courts and the courts to make a decision
and I think that’s the right system, but I also think, on occasions, it
is appropriate to make comments in relation to criminal justice in its
wider sense.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And of course the Lord Chief Justice, Brian Kerr, has hit back and the
statistics seem to support him to some extent. For instance, out of 32,000
notifiable offenses, that’s the figure that you cleared up in the police
figure of 23%, but there was an 86% conviction rate in the Crown Courts.
So it seems as if they’re doing their job better than you?
HUGH ORDE
Well, the issue around conviction is one thing, the issue around sentencing
is another. My officers are working very hard to gain confidence in the
communities. On many occasions they’re taking quite substantial risks to
arrest extremely dangerous people and my job is to make sure those dangerous
people are removed from society for a decent period of time by producing
the evidence to the court which allows them to convict.
Sentencing is a matter for judges, I fully accept that. But on occasions
where we see people who we would see as a threat to society coming out
too early, then I think it’s right and appropriate to comment. It’s not
the situation I intent to prolong in terms of a debate, it’s not a debate
I’ve just started, I raised this over a year ago.
JIM FITZPATRICK
Well let’s take a specific, for instance, we had the issue of the loyalist
feud and then a certain number of loyalists from the Shankill heading across
to Bolton in Manchester. Why is it that within six months the Greater Manchester
Police are able to bring and secure convictions against, well for instance,
Jonathan Adair put away for five years for dealing in hard drugs?
HUGH ORDE
Well we have also convicted many loyalists for criminal offenses, in
fact our drug seizures this year and our arrests are up by 13%.
JIM FITZPATRICK
But why not that particular grouping, why is it that they had to move
to Manchester before they were targeted?
HUGH ORDE
Well I think it is two things, one is you’re making an assumption that
they were not being targeted here. Two is you’re making an assumption that
the Greater Manchester Police were working by themselves. We work very
closely with all our colleagues and they will exploit any opportunity we
get to bring these people to justice and that’s exactly what happens in
many of these cases. What you do find are when people who’ve come out of
their own environment in which they are comfortable and move into other
environments, they become more vulnerable to different tactics which allows
us to make very successful arrests working with our colleagues.
JIM FITZPATRICK
Well it didn’t seem to be rocket science, for instance, the police simply
got the number of one of the defendants, phoned it and on three occasions
were supplied with drugs. It seems like pretty bread and butter stuff which
wasn’t being done perhaps until more recently on the likes of the Shankill
Road.
HUGH ORDE
Well it is being done, it is being done, we wouldn’t have got the sort
of drug seizures we have got without hard work by my drugs squad and by
my local officers gathering that intelligence. We are working very hard
to protect those communities and I think we’re doing very well. Crime is
down, it’s an indisputable fact that in Northern Ireland crime is down.
Car crime is down 18%, so ask the people in West Belfast how they feel
about the police operations in their areas which are making them safer.
Burglary is down 11%, ask the people, that’s many less victims and I’m
far more interested in less victims than I am in clear-up rates.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And what about republicans, of course, say you’re on record as saying
that you believe that the IRA were involved in the Tohill abduction. Now
nobody has been charged with IRA membership in relation to that, do you
withdraw your assumption there?
HUGH ORDE
No I don’t. I said very clearly what I thought at the time, to be right
and I stand by that statement. I though that was an operation by the Provisional
IRA. The case is now coming to court, so we will see what happens when
it gets there.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And the International Monitoring Commission is reporting now late. What
more can they say than what you already know?
HUGH ORDE
Well let’s wait and see and the IMC will report, I think, in about two
weeks time. They will look across the board at all paramilitary operations
and form a view and inform Government of that view. I think the IMC is
a force for good and we’ll see what it has to say, but I’m not going to
pre-empt what that case says.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And of course this week we’ve had the publication of Judge Cory’s Reports.
Three inquiries, not one yet into the Finucane Inquiry, you’ve said you’ll
co-operate, but you’re obviously not delighted?
HUGH ORDE
Well I’m not unhappy about it, I think if Government decides to have
three inquiries, my job is to make sure than everything under my control
gets to those inquiries so the inquiries can be as well informed as possible.
I have no difficulty with inquiries, the bigger point, the far bigger point
which I have been talking about is the need to deal with history in a far
more holistic way, I think that’s a different debate.
JIM FITZPATRICK
Well will get to that, but what do you think, say for instance, an inquiry,
a public inquiry into the Finucane case could establish that you didn’t
under the Stevens Inquiry?
HUGH ORDE
Well we’ll have to wait and see how the terms of reference to that inquiry
are drawn and in relation to Finucane, I spent two and a half years of
my life investigating that as a police officer and we were looking at gaining
evidence to put someone before the courts and that is what we did, and
that is what we have done. That case is yet to come to trial.
JIM FITZPATRICK
Do you accept Judge Cory’s estimate that both the RUC Special Branch
and the FRU took active and deliberate steps to obstruct the progress of
your inquiry under Stevens?
HUGH ORDE
Well it was hard work and Sir John has come out himself very clearly
and said he feels in that case there was collusion. I would agree with
him whole heartedly on that case.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And what about the controversy surrounding Patrick Finucane himself
and his own role. As a policeman do you have any evidence to suggest that
Patrick Finucane was a member of the IRA or was closely associated with
it?
HUGH ORDE
No I don’t and we have said that quite clearly on the Stevens team and
actually one needs to go right back to the inquest on Finucane where an
RUC Inspector said exactly the same thing.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And is that evidence likely to be what would appear at any public inquiry?
HUGH ORDE
Well I think a public inquiry will deal with far broader issues than
the Stevens Inquiry which was, of course, a police inquiry which is designed
to gather evidence.
JIM FITZPATRICK
You mentioned the wider picture, the unsolved murders, 1800 unsolved
murders throughout the history of the troubles. Now we have a graphic which
illustrates just the complexity of this issue, you’ve mentioned the complexity
yourself, here we see a graphic where you’ve got figures such as republican
paramilitaries killing nearly 500 members of the security forces. Loyalist
paramilitaries killing over 700 Catholic civilians and a circle here going
on of killing from one group to another. It’s extremely confusing, are
we ever going to find out the truth, never mind justice in relation to
these murders?
HUGH ORDE
I think that’s the debate that now must be had and if one of the positives
out of Cory has been the debate is now gaining some momentum and I think
far more people are now realizing that without some thoughtful process
to deal with history, Northern Ireland will find it very difficult to move
on. My task is quite clear, I have to deliver policing for the present
and define policing for the future and what I’d say to the police officer
is, I know I cannot do that if I have to continue to look backwards. That
is not to say history is unimportant, history is exactly the opposite.
JIM FITZPATRICK
But are you willing to allow the true history, for instance, of your
own organization and the RUC to be aired in public?
HUGH ORDE
Of course I am and that’s the whole point of these inquiries. But that’s
one dimension to history, the whole of history has to be dealt with. You
talk about figures, in that figure are 302 murdered police officers, 211
of those police officers’ murders have never been solved, so their families
also need to have some sort of closure, whatever that is, to enable them
to move on with their lives as well.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And is truth more important than justice in this case?
HUGH ORDE
I think that’s very much the point Cory made in relation to one of the
inquiries. Sometimes there may be another way of looking at these rather
than a simple legal way. The legal way will not solve the 1800 unsolved
crimes and 1800 is a debatable point, there may be even more than that
depending on how you define murder and unexplained deaths.
JIM FITZPATRICK
And a bitter pill though to swallow if there’s going to be no case,
no justice?
HUGH ORDE
Well it’s a matter of how it’s dealt with and how much satisfaction
it brings to how many people. I think where there is almost universal agreement
is that the families’ views, the victims’ families views must be critical
to whatever it is that is constructed.
Program: GMU
Date and time: 5.4.04 – 08.41
Subject: Peace and reconciliation
WENDY AUSTIN
The Irish Times is reporting the Secretary of State is about to announce
a form of peace and reconciliation commission which is to take place here.
On the line is our political editor, Mark Devenport. Do we know about this,
is this likely to be happening after Easter?
MARK DEVENPORT
Yes, I mean, actually this became evident on Thursday of last week and
whilst the headlines were given over to the Cory Report into which inquiries
the Government was going to announce, we had a statement from the Prime
Minister where he threw out almost a kind of open-ended question saying
he didn’t know whether a truth and reconciliation commission was the best
way forward, but some mechanism had to be found to allow people here to
move beyond the past.
And then the Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, in a series of interviews,
followed through and made it pretty clear he’d be launching the consultation
process. Now it’s my understanding that that will happen after Easter,
maybe a few weeks after Easter, because they want to get other things like
the report by the Independent Monitoring Commission into paramilitary activity
out of the way. But that will set up what will probably be a fairly long
consultation process because it could be pretty difficult given that the
key players here have decidedly different views about the format and the
remit of any kind of truth commission.
WENDY AUSTIN
There’s a lot of disquiet about it too, a lot of people who are very
unhappy about the idea, and who are asking the question, asking the big
question I suppose about truth, I mean what truth, you know, one person’s
truth is not another’s and who’s to say that you’re going to believe someone’s
truth anyway?
MARK DEVENPORT
Exactly. I mean there’s a lot of concerns here because the whole business
is so subjective. There are some concerns on the part of some victims as
to whether truth will replace what they would say as their requirement
for justice.
There’s concerns about whether all sides will actually co-operate in
the same way here, whether for instance people who’ve worked for State
agencies, be it the Army, the police or whatever, will be pressurized to
take part in this, but people who’ve been in paramilitary organizations,
what motive have they got for telling the truth? So there are all these
kind of big questions out there to be resolved.
At the same time I think that there is a general sense that the way
that matters in the past are being dealt with thus far, which has been
this kind of piecemeal business of a tribunal here and an inquiry there
into specific cases, is unsatisfactory, because there’ll always be another
case that will come along where there seems to be some kind of compelling
reason to have yet another inquiry.
WENDY AUSTIN
You don’t get the feeling, mind you, that either Mr. Murphy or Mr. Blair
has thought this one through. I mean there isn’t something specific that
they’re thinking of doing, is there?
MARK DEVENPORT
I think, yes it’s still very much on the drawing board. I mean the fact
is the newspaper reports today sort of hammed it up into saying there will
be a commission, and the fact is that when you get a launch of an official
consultation process like this, it generally doesn’t lead to nothing, you
know, you don’t have a big consultation and then nothing comes out of it.
So presumably some kind of mechanism will come up in the end, but at the
same time, they are saying it’s going to be a long process, and I think
they know that’s because it’s going to be really hard to please all the
people all the time on this one.
WENDY AUSTIN
Mark, while you’re there, what about these Northern Ireland Office Ministers?
We’ve got a new one of course and Jane Kennedy’s gone off to the Department
of Work and Pensions. But there’s going to be a shake-up among the Ministers
and the jobs that they’re doing. Have we any idea what they’ll be?
MARK DEVENPORT
Yes, this is something else that’s a hangover, as it were, from Thursday
when we had Beverley Hughes’ resignation and Jane Kennedy’s departure then.
What we will hear I think later on today is the handouts of the portfolios
of the new Ministerial team. Now we know for sure one which is that Ian
Pearson is picking up the security brief that Jane Kennedy had, but we
still have to work out how they divide up the rest of the cake.
I mean I’ve heard talk certainly in official circles that Barry Gardiner,
who is the new member of the team, an MP for Brent North, who’s generally
considered to be a very educated literate Member of Parliament may well
pick up the education brief that Jane Kennedy had. But there’s still a
lot of juggling that’s got to be done, who gets for instance some of Ian
Pearson’s briefs like Agriculture? Will Ian Pearson, as seems likely, hold
on to the economic brief like Finance and Personnel?
WENDY AUSTIN
Just one point I suppose that many people wonder was, would this be
a time when John Spellar might lose some of those briefs which have been
slightly difficult?
MARK DEVENPORT
Well there’s always a possibility when they re-jig things. But, that
said, I mean whilst there was the boycott on John Spellar, particularly
by the SDLP Mayor of Belfast and he had difficulties early on, some of
that has of necessity I think broken down in practice in as much as people
have had to meet him as Political Affairs Minister. So whether they see
that as such a pressing case as may have been the case when he came into
the job, I’m not so sure.
| The entire Cory Report can be found at the website maintained by
the Northern Ireland Press Office at http://www.nio.gov.uk/press/040401a.htm.
The following are the various sections of the report:
Cory Reports and Appendices
PAT FINUCANE
Cory Collusion Inquiry Report - Pat Finucane
ROBERT HAMILL
Cory Collusion Inquiry Report - Robert Hammill
Robert Hamill report: Appendix A
Robert Hamill report: Appendix B
ROSEMARY NELSON
Cory Collusion Inquiry Report - Rosemary Nelson
Rosemary Nelson report: Appendices A& B
Rosemary Nelson report: Appendix C
Rosemary Nelson report: Appendix D
Rosemary Nelson report: Appendix D Continued
BILLY WRIGHT
Cory Collusion Inquiry Report - Billy Wright
Billy Wright report: Appendices A& B
Billy Wright report: Appendix C |

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