Cowen Discusses Shape of Things to Come in Irish World 

Thank you for your kind introduction.

As this is the first opportunity for an Irish Government Minister to address this forum since the general election last year, I wish to extend my warmest congratulations to Deputy Brendan Smith on his appointment as Co-Chairman of this distinguished Body. Together with David Winnick, I know that Brendan will do an outstanding job in leading the Body in the years ahead.

When I addressed you last year in Dublin, I took a look in the rear mirror to review the very encouraging progress we had made in British-Irish relations over the preceding 12 years. Members will be relieved to know that I do not intend to be quite so retrospective in my focus today.

And yet our location makes it difficult not to be conscious of the resonance of history. Those of you who had even the briefest opportunity to walk the streets of Kilkenny will have been struck by its rich depth of history, heritage and culture. 

It is a unique city that harmoniously blends the Gaelic, Norman and Anglo-Irish influences of our past. My delight in the rich heritage of Kilkenny is only slightly diminished by my envy of its contemporary success on the hurling field.

The confluence of historical influences in this city was perhaps personified in one of its most famous citizens, the essayist Hubert Butler. Butler who died in 1991 was of Anglo-Irish background.

Nearly 50 years ago, Butler wrote about the state of relations between both parts of Ireland. He asked why our differences were so unfruitful? He offered the following reason:

Too many people would sooner be silent or untruthful than disloyal to their own side. And so there is always a drift towards crisis, a gentle, persistent pressure towards some simple alignment of Good and Evil, Friend and Enemy.

Through the collective work that we have all been advancing over recent years - the two Governments, the parties in Northern Ireland, the Body and other supportive agencies - this simple alignment is progressively giving way to a more complex, but also more benign, understanding of relationships on this island and between our neighboring islands. We are increasingly finding ways of making our differences more fruitful.

The Good Friday Agreement was a major mile-stone in this journey. It represented the distillation of years of creative thinking and political experience about what were the fundamental requirements of a just and durable political settlement in Northern Ireland.

The Agreement was both a codification of everything that had been learned in the past about the nature of the Northern Ireland problem and a set of balanced ground rules for the future to justly accommodate the competing constitutional and political aspirations of both communities.

The Agreement was an outstanding political achievement and major departure in Anglo-Irish relations. It would not have happened without the ever closer partnership that developed between both Governments; without the courage and commitment of various party leaders in Northern Ireland; and without the goodwill and support that came from the US, the EU and the international community.

Yet, despite all of its achievements with which you are all very familiar, there were a number of difficult issues that were not finally resolved on Good Friday, 1998. Some issues were remitted to other processes or mechanisms to be taken forward. Issues such as policing, the decommissioning of paramilitary arms, the reform of the criminal justice system and the advancement of the human rights and equality agendas all involved processes of real and substantive progress rather than instant delivery.

Progress Made
Very considerable progress was made in all of these areas over the last 5
years. This Body is very familiar with the important benchmarks for implementation of the Agreement and I do not propose to recite them all to you again today. 

Notwithstanding these specific advances, there was, however, a wider and deeper problem. It was that, while substantial progress was being made through this process of gradual implementation, its positive impact was being eroded by activities - or allegations of activities - that were corrosive of the trust and confidence that was necessary to sustain workable political institutions.

While important confidence-building steps - such as two acts of IRA decommissioning - did take place, their effect was undermined by other reported events that suggested that the paramilitary option was being kept open. Equally, it could be argued that confidence-building opportunities were not always positively embraced so that anti-Agreement elements were allowed to dismiss or minimize their significance.

Regardless of whether opportunities were wasted or spurned, the fact of the matter was that by the autumn of last year the reservoirs of trust and confidence among the parties were at a low ebb. The October suspension was ultimately a crisis of trust and the deficit of confidence was mutual.

As Mark Durkan puts it, the suspicion was reciprocal: Unionists feared that republicans were congenitally subversive while republicans believed that unionists were innately intransigent. The pithy slogans of "no guns, no government" and "no fenians about the place" were crude mirror images of a common perception of mistrust.

Last autumn, both Governments concluded that, while the incremental implementation of the Agreement had served the process well, it was no longer sufficient if forward momentum was to be maintained. Addressing the deficits of confidence would require the rapid and complete implementation of the Agreement. In the words of the Irish Government, a quantum leap was required. In the now familiar formulation of Prime Minister Blair, acts of completion were needed on all sides to fully implement all aspects of the Agreement.

Intensive Work
Over the past 5 months, the two Governments - together with the pro-Agreement parties - have worked intensively to devise an overall agreement that would comprise the acts of completion necessary to fully implement the Agreement and restore the devolved institutions in Northern Ireland. That work was progressed in various formats - in ongoing bilateral and trilateral contacts between the two Governments and the parties and in collective discussions in round-table meetings. All of this engagement was helpful and necessary so that the two Governments could arrive at a composite view of what were the essential ingredients for an acts ofcompletion agreement.

All of this intensive work culminated in the discussions held, over two days, at Hillsborough earlier this month. Apart from the substance of the progress made, two things particularly struck me about the discussions at Hillsborough. Firstly, I was impressed by the extent of the commonality, in approach and analysis, of all of the parties. Despite their different political needs and pressures, each of them demonstrated a great commitment to finding a collective way forward through the difficult issues that were being addressed.

Second, I was struck by the truly impressive solidity and solidarity of the partnership between the two Governments. It occurred to me then that Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair had in 1998 negotiated the Agreement as colleagues; they were now delivering it as friends. All of us at Hillsborough were deeply impressed that, despite the pressures of the global crisis that was fast approaching, the Prime Minister devoted over 2 days of his time, energy and wisdom to pursue what has been a constant priority of his Premiership.

Likewise, my colleague and friend, Paul Murphy, has been tireless in his efforts to engage with and accommodate all of the parties in Northern Ireland.

Considerable progress was made at Hillsborough on a range of difficult issues - criminal justice, security normalization, ending paramilitary
activity, human rights and equality issues. There now exists a shared understanding about the broad parameters of an overall acts of completion deal, even if all parties are not signed up to every detail of all aspects.

The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister will return to Northern Ireland next month to formally present their proposals. In the meantime, the two Governments have encouraged the parties to use the time and space to reflect on the proposals outlined at Hillsborough and to undertake whatever internal consultations are necessary.

Steps Required
Major steps are required of all sides if we are to achieve the quantum leap that is required to fully consolidate the Agreement. Our collective level of ambition is great. This will require all sides to share the risks, the pain and the gain.

It will have to be clear to all that paramilitary activity and capability is being brought to a definitive end; that the process of security normalization is rapidly advancing; that the achievement of the new beginning to policing is being fully realized; that the criminal justice system in Northern Ireland is fully reflective of both communities; that the human rights and equality provisions of the Agreement are being entrenched; that the stop-start phase of the operation of the institutions has come to an end and that all parties are committed to fully and enthusiastically participate in them.

Because the two Governments wished to accord a little time and space to the parties to consider these proposals, the British Government judged it appropriate to delay the scheduled elections by a few short weeks. In my view, this deferral was both appropriate and reasonable given the circumstances and the progress that had been made in the discussions.

Five years ago, the people of Northern Ireland voted for an Assembly that was tasked to deliver on the vision of the Agreement. Five years later, the pro-Agreement parties can point to a record of achievement and progress made that would simply have been unthinkable 10 years ago.

Over the last few years, the Northern Ireland Executive, under the joint leadership of David Trimble and both Seamus Mallon and, latterly, Mark Durkan, achieved much success in bringing together political representatives of both communities to work in partnership and with common purpose, for the betterment of all of the citizens of Northern Ireland.

The work of the Executive had a substantial impact, with locally accountable Ministers taking decisions of real importance and significance to the lives of the people of Northern Ireland and positively impacting on vital sectors such as Agriculture, Industrial Promotion, Health and Education. The successful workings of the Northern Ireland Executive over recent years have shown beyond question that partnership government works to the benefit of both nationalists and unionists alike.

That partnership was seen at its best in the work undertaken by Mark Durkan and David Trimble in securing the Reform and Reinvestment Initiative, which allows for the transfer of certain vacated military sites for use for economic and community regeneration purposes.

Operating Successfully
The Assembly had also been operating successfully, proving itself capable of withstanding robust debate on controversial matters, in line with the best traditions of parliamentary democracy. Assembly members from all traditions had taken on their responsibilities with commendable enthusiasm and sincerity, and their contributions had been marked by commitment and diligence.

The North-South interface was also moving from the old zero-sum model of suspicion and isolation to a relationship based on win-win perspectives and the achievement of mutual benefit. Meetings of Ministers from both parts of the island through the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) had become a recognizable feature of Ministerial calendars, North and South. Ministers from both parts of the island, representative of both traditions, were taking decisions on a regular basis that benefited all of our people in a practical and meaningful way.
 Similarly, the all-island Implementation Bodies established under the Agreement have now been in successful operation for over three years. They operate in sectors which range from Trade and Business Development, to the maintenance and development of the island's waterways to Food Safety Promotion, and their functional achievements are many.

The development of rational co-operation in a sector that is economically vital on both sides of the border is perhaps seen most manifestly in the case of the all-island tourism organization, Tourism Ireland Limited. The promotional campaigns of Tourism Ireland Limited are undoubtedly crucial to the success and development of the industry throughout the island - particularly at this very challenging time in the global tourism market.

I wish to pay tribute to the outstanding effort and commitment which all Ministers, from both parts of the island, displayed in the operation of the North/South structures. While we all came to these meetings from different political cultures and traditions, these were transcended by a common commitment to advance co-operation between both parts of the island to the mutual benefit of our people. The sooner we can renew that partnership, the better for all of the people on this island.

As a result of the work we are currently engaged on, we may soon be able to return to that constructive and developing network of partnership. There is now the real prospect that, when they go the polls on the 29th May, the people of Northern Ireland will be able to give their democratic verdict in the full knowledge that the devolved institutions are secure and that the Agreement, in all of its aspects, is on course to be rapidly and irreversibly implemented. In short, the achievement of a normalized society in Northern Ireland will no longer be a vision but an attainable reality.

I am very conscious that this survey of our local difficulty is taking place in a context of global anxiety and uncertainty. The path to war in Iraq has caused great debate and sincere differences of view within the international community and within our respective legislatures.

While we all fervently hope that the human casualties and physical destruction can be minimized and contained, inevitably there will be losses and tragedies in the days ahead - both for the people of Iraq and for the coalition of US and British troops. The political and diplomatic fall-out to the crisis will be immense. Only one thing is certain - there will be far-reaching change, both in Iraq and the surrounding region and in the wider international order.

I am reminded that, in the aftermath of the Great War, Winston Churchill ironically commented that, in the cataclysm of change that then swept the world, the dreary steeples of Fermanagh and Tyrone were one of the few institutions to have maintained the integrity of their quarrel.

All of us who are involved in the current talks process in Northern Ireland should, in the light of the current global crisis, reflect even more deeply on our current responsibilities. Now is not the time to play the process long, to seek to extract one concession too far, to assume that the doors of people who have been endlessly patient and supportive remain as generously open as they have in the past.

Tide of Opportunity
As in the affairs of men, there is also a tide of opportunity for conflict resolution that inevitably recedes if not taken on the flood.

It is now 10 years since the beginning of the Oslo peace process created great hopes for peace in the Middle East. We all remember those heady days of historic hand-shakes on the White House lawn. Those hopes have since dimmed. Israel and Palestine have, for some time, been locked in a sterile and violent stand-off, although we all hope that the recently proposed road map will regenerate momentum in the search for peace in the Middle East.

Conscious of these global realities, we must not make the mistake of assuming that, regardless of opportunities not taken or declined, our peace process is uniquely irreversible or immune to set-back until the remaining vital strategic decisions are taken to enable the full and faithful
implementation of the Agreement.

In the shadow of a global crisis, the next few weeks may paradoxically be a time of great opportunity for the peace process on this island. As one commentator in Northern Ireland said last week, the dread in the wider world may encourage people here "to think outside their boxes". In the coming period that opportunity must be seized for the benefit of all of the people of Northern Ireland and, also, to extend a light of hope to an international community that yearns for an enduring model of peace amidst the discouragement of war.

As the two Governments and the parties continue in the weeks ahead to bring their collective work to fruition, we will be encouraged by the continuing support and goodwill that exists across these islands for our endeavors - not least within this Body.

The Irish Government continues to attach considerable importance to the development of the nexus of wider relationships across these islands. We were pleased that, despite the regrettable suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, it has been possible to maintain the program of work and activity within the British-Irish Council that brings tangible benefits to all of our peoples.

When I had the honor of addressing you last year, I spoke of the diversity of partnerships on these islands and said that the circle of partnership within this Body would be complete when representatives of unionism from the Northern Ireland Assembly would take up your invitation to participate. The question of inter-parliamentary links was, of course, addressed in the Agreement - both in regard to the North-South and wider East-West dimensions.

I would hope that, as result of the current talks process, we could achieve some forward momentum in this area that might facilitate the establishment of the North-South Parliamentary Forum and secure the participation of Northern Ireland parties, reflective of both traditions, in the wider British-Irish Inter-parliamentary links envisaged by the Agreement.

Crucial Roles to Play
In this regard, the Body and its constituent legislatures will clearly have crucial roles to play. I know that you will be constructive and imaginative in responding to any opportunities that may present themselves to achieve another important act of completion in regard to inter-parliamentary links across these islands.

I believe that the next few weeks and months offer a real prospect of breaking free of the old simple alignments that have impoverished the politics of this island for too long.

In three weeks time, we will reach the fifth anniversary of the Agreement. There would be no more fitting way of marking this important milestone than by demonstrating to the people, who put their trust in that Agreement, that it is now irrevocably secure; that its consolidation and development is no longer held hostage to violent threat or political resistance; that the political leaders of Northern Ireland are now free to focus their talents and energies on the bread and butter issues of making Northern Ireland a better place for all its citizens; that the governments and administrations of these islands can accelerate our work in ever closer partnership.

In summary, the people of this island deserve to see acts of completion that now advance a peace process to a political settlement and allow us all, paraphrasing Hubert Butler, to make our differences truly fruitful.